Voon Lee Shan

Sarawak Alliance members agreed that SNAP leader Stephen Kalong Ningkan would be the state’s first chief minister, and Pesaka leader Temenggong Jugah to be the first Governor of Sarawak. Both those choices upset the top leadership of the Malayan Alliance

 who believed that a chief minister should be chosen after consultation with the leader of the Alliance, as was the practice in the peninsula. Tunku was angry that his advice was not taken, and the decision announced on July 22 before he could “talk sense to Sarawak Alliance”. (请参看后面谷歌翻译)

 

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Image result for stephen kalong ningkan Ningkan  Image result for temenggung jugah Temenggung Jugah

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The Price of "Equal Partnership" with Federation of Malaya

By Voon Lee Shan    


In HiStory - Once the Sarawak Alliance had secured a clear majority of seats in the Council Negri, the next questions were who would form the cabinet, who would be the chief minister and who the governor.

Each of the successful parties had their own idea as to who should lead, as did the colonial authorities and the Malayan Alliance leaders.

Abdul Rahman Yakub was amongst those Barisan Rakyat Jati Sarawak (BARJASA) members favoured by Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak Hussein and Ghazali Shafie.

However, electoral law had required candidates to stand in the council districts in which they resided.

In and around Kuching the more highly educated BARJASA leaders, including Rahman Yakub, had been soundly defeated at district level by Parti Negara Sarawak (Panas) and Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) candidates, so they could not become elected members of Council Negri.

British officials put forward the idea that, after the election, there should be a broad coalition of all parties, and that inclusion of moderate SUPP leaders in government would undermine the hard left of that party.

Malayan and Sarawak Alliance leaders immediately dismissed that idea, insisting that the Sarawak Alliance had won, had defeated both Panas and SUPP, and that the Alliance would govern and would not compromise their principles by any dealings with Panas/SUPP.

The ruling Sarawak Alliance Government had 23 elected members in the new Council Negri: Pesaka had 11 elected members, SNAP 6, BARJASA 5 and SCA 1.

Three new faces were then nominated to the Council Negri, the most notable being a bright young lawyer, Abdul Taib Mahmud.

Three expatriate officers remained ex-officio members of the legislature: the State Secretary, the State Financial Secretary and the Attorney-General. After lengthy discussions Sarawak Alliance members agreed that SNAP leader Stephen Kalong Ningkan would be the state’s first chief minister, and Pesaka leader Temenggong Jugah to be the first Governor of Sarawak.

Both those choices upset the top leadership of the Malayan Alliance who believed that a chief minister should be chosen after consultation with the leader of the Alliance, as was the practice in the peninsula.

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Tunku was angry that his advice was not taken, and the decision announced on July 22 before he could “talk sense to Sarawak Alliance”.

KL leaders thought Ningkan was an unsuitable choice for chief minister “now we are in control”, to quote Malayan minister and former Special Branch head, Senator Khaw Kai Boh. In Sarawak, the British governor refused to delay the swearing-in, even by a day, offering his immediate recall if overruled by London.

After that rebuff, Tunku made clear that there was no way he would agree to Temenggong Jugah becoming governor. The London agreement stipulated that the first Sarawak governor would be nominated jointly by the Malayan Agung and British Queen, so Tunku had veto power over who would fill that position.

In the correspondence that ricocheted between Kuching, London and Kuala Lumpur, Tunku was quite disparaging toward Temenggong Jugah, suggesting instead that he be appointed to head some newly-created “Council of Chiefs”.

The British shot back that Dayak support was vital to the formation and success of Malaysia. It was Dayaks who populated the border regions subject to Indonesian attacks. With the imminent arrival of the United Nations secretary-general’s mission to assess whether the local population had voted in favour of federation, Dayaks could not be seen to withdraw their support for Malaysia, as the Temenggong had suggested in an angry outburst, hearing of his rejection.

Should Temenggong Jugah’s lack of formal education be the issue, the British governor suggested the names of three other Ibans: Edward Jerah, John Nicol and Edward Brandah. However, Razak responded with the observation that if you were worried about security, “Malays were a greater risk, being more open to exploitation by Indonesians”.

In early September, Tunku wrote that the first governor would be either Datu Abang Openg Abang Sapiee (recommended by the Malay National Union) or Mohamed Noah Omar from Johor, who was a founder of Umno and Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat.

Tunku was absolutely insistent that the positions of governor and chief minister could not be held by someone of the same race — that if a Dayak held one position, a Malay must hold the other, and that Chinese were already represented in government by Deputy Chief Minister James Wong. Years later, Tunku held to that position, cabling Rahman Yakub in 1970, stating that it was best that he not try to become chief minister, as a Malay should not hold both top positions.

Regional tension between Indonesia, the Philippines and Malaya steadily rose as the formation of Malaysia came closer and closer to reality. On July 31, 1963, President Sukarno, President Macapagal Arroyo and Tunku had a quite difficult meeting that did nothing to resolve the Philippines’ claim to Sabah, but did address Indonesian concerns on de-colonisation. Professor George Kahin travelled from Jakarta with the Indonesian president. According to Kahin, Sukarno wanted Tunku to acknowledge Indonesian concerns and accord him respect. For the Tunku, and his British advisers, that was the last thing they would do.

Jakarta and Manila argued strongly for a referendum to determine the wishes of the populace, which would have delayed or derailed the formation of Malaysia, a proposal that Kuala Lumpur opposed. The final compromise was expressed in clause 10 of the Manila accord that stated:

The Ministers reaffirmed their countries’ adherence to the principle of self-determination for the peoples of non-self-governing territories. In this context, Indonesia and the Philippines stated that they would welcome the formation of Malaysia provided the support of the people of the Borneo territories is ascertained by an independent and impartial authority, the Secretary-General of the United Nations or his representative.

Thus the plan to form Malaysia on Aug 31, 1963, was delayed for only a couple of weeks. A rushed mission toured Sabah and Sarawak. The UN secretary-general then concluded that the 1963 elections in Sabah and Sarawak had indicated majority support for Malaysia. The new nation was born on Sept 16, 1963.

(Picture of Tan Sri Datuk Amar Stephen Kalong Ningkan(M), Tun Jugah (R)and (L)Temenggong Oyong Lawai Jan).

 

欢迎参看谷歌翻译於下:

与马来亚联邦“平等伙伴关系”的代价

由Voon Lee Shan


在HiStory中 - 一旦沙捞越联盟在NEGERI 议会获得绝大多数席位,接下来的问题是谁将组成内阁,谁将成为首席部长,谁将成为州长。

每个成功的政党都有自己的想法,关于谁应该领导,殖民当局和马来联盟领导人也是如此。

Abdul Rahman Yakub是被副首相Tun Abdul Razak Hussein和Ghazali Shafie青睐的Barisan Rakyat Jati Sarawak(BARJASA)成员之一。

但是,选举法要求候选人必须在他们居住的理事会地区中选。

在古晋及其周边地区,受过高等教育的BARJASA领导人,包括Rahman Yakub,在地区一级选举中被Parti Negara Sarawak(PANAS)和沙捞越联合人民党(SUPP)候选人击败,因此他们无法成为(砂拉越)国会议员。

英国官员提出这样的想法,即在选举之后,应该有各方的广泛联盟,并且将温和的SUPP领导人纳入政府,这将有助於抑制该党的顽固的左翼。

马来亚联盟和沙捞越联盟领导人立即驳回了这一想法,坚持沙捞越联盟赢得了胜利,击败了PANAS和SUPP,砂拉越联盟将会自行与PANAS/ SUPP来处理,并且不会妥协他们的原则。

执政的砂拉越联盟政府在新的理事会内有23名当选成员:Pesaka(保守党)有11名当选成员,SNAP(国民党) 6,BARJASA 5和SCA (砂拉越华人公会)1。

随后,三名新面孔被提名给了NEGERI 议会,其中最引人注目的是一位聪明的年轻律师Abdul Taib Mahmud。

三名外籍官员仍然是立法机构的当然成员:国务秘书,国家财政司司长和司法部长。经过长时间的讨论,沙捞越联盟成员同意SNAP领导人Stephen Kalong Ningkan将成为该州第一任首席部长,而Pesaka领导人Temenggong Jugah将成为沙捞越州的第一任州长

这两个选择都打乱了马来亚联盟的最高领导层,他们认为砂拉越联盟应该在与马来亚联盟领导人协商后选出首席部长,就像半岛的做法一样。

Tunku很生气,他的建议没有被采纳,并且在他能够“与沙捞越联盟交谈”之前于7月22日宣布了这一决定。

吉隆坡领导人认为宁甘做首席部长是不合适的选择,“现在我们掌控”,引用马来亚部长和前政治部负责人,参议员Khaw Kai Boh。在砂拉越,英国总督拒绝推迟宣誓就职,即使是一天,如果被伦敦推翻,他会立即召回。

在那次拒绝之后,Tunku明确表示他不会同意Temenggong Jugah成为州长。伦敦协议规定,第一个砂拉越州长将由马来亚AGONG 和英国女王共同提名,因此东姑对谁将填补这一职位拥有否决权。

在古晋,伦敦和吉隆坡之间的通信中,东姑对Temenggong Jugah非常贬低,相反他被任命为一个新成立的“酋长委员会”的负责人。

英国人回击说,达雅克的支持对马来西亚的形成和成功至关重要。 Dayaks居住在受到印度尼西亚袭击的边境地区。随着联合国秘书长即将到来评估当地居民是否投票赞成联邦的任务,Dayak不能被视为撤回对马来西亚的支持,因为Temenggong在愤怒的爆发中暗示,听到他的拒绝。

如果Temenggong Jugah缺乏正规教育是问题,英国总督提出了其他三个Ibans的名字:Edward Jerah,John Nicol和Edward Brandah。然而,Razak回应的观点是,如果你担心安全问题,“马来人面临更大的风险,面对印度尼西亚人的威胁更大”。

9月初,Tunku写道,第一任州长将是Datu Abang Openg Abang Sapiee(由马来民族联盟推荐)或来自Johor的Mohamed Noah Omar,他是Umno的创始人和Dewan Rakyat的发言人。

Tunku绝对坚持认为,州长和首席部长的职位不能由同一个人担任 - 如果Dayak担任一个职位,马来人必须持有另一个职位,并且华人已经由副首席部长詹姆斯黄金明代表了。多年后,Tunku坚持到1970年发电报给拉赫曼雅谷,并指出他最好不要成为首席部长,因为马来人不应该同时担任这两个职位。

随着马来西亚的组成越来越接近现实,印度尼西亚,菲律宾和马来亚之间的地区紧张局势稳步上升。 1963年7月31日,印尼苏加诺总统,菲律宾总统马卡帕加尔·阿罗约和东姑举行了一场非常艰难的会议,没有解决菲律宾对沙巴的主张,但确实解决了印尼对去殖民化的担忧。 George Kahin教授与印尼总统一起从雅加达出发。根据Kahin的说法,Sukarno希望Tunku承认印度尼西亚的担忧并给予他尊重。对于Tunku和他的英国顾问来说,这是他们最不愿意做的事情。

雅加达和马尼拉强烈要求举行全民公投,以确定民众的意愿,这将推迟或破坏马来西亚的形成,这是吉隆坡反对的提议。马尼拉协定第10条表达了最后的妥协:

首长们重申各自国家坚持非自治领土人民的自决原则。在这方面,印度尼西亚和菲律宾表示,如果独立和公正的当局,联合国秘书长或其代表能够确定婆罗洲地区人民的支持,他们欢迎组建马来西亚。

因此,1963年8月31日组建马来西亚的计划被推迟了几个星期。一个匆忙的联合国代表团访问了沙巴和沙捞越。联合国秘书长随后得出结论,沙巴和沙捞越的1963年选举表明了对马来西亚的大多数支持。这个新国家诞生于1963年9月16日。


(图片Tan Sri Datuk Amar Stephen Kalong Ningkan(M),Tun Jugah(R)和(L)Temenggong Oyong Lawai Jan)。

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